THE STORY OF RAGA: A MAN'S ETHNOGRAPHY ON
HIS OWN SOCIETY （�V）MARRIAGE

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Masanori YOSHIOKA

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　INTRODUCTION

　　　This is the third part of an English translation of a hand-copied book
which was written in the “Raga”language by the late Rev. David Tevimule in
1966. “Raga”is a language spoken by the people of North Raga (northern part
of Raga or Pentecost Island) in Vanuatu. The work consists of twenty chapters,
which cover various aspects of North Raga culture: its origin myth, kin
relations, graded system, chiefs, initiation rite and customs ranging from
birth, marriage, to death. In this paper I translate Chapters 8 and 9 in
which Rev. David Tevimule describes customs concerning marriage.(1) Although
he starts his description from the birth of a girl and refers to the custom
of so-called infant betrothal,　his main concern is on the marriage ceremony.

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　�T

　　 Here I present some materials concerning marriage ceremony which were
collected during my field researches. Marriage ceremony is classified into
two kinds, one of which is called kastom marit (custom marriage) in Bislama
(Vanuatu pidgin) and the other of which is jos marit (church marriage). Kastom
marit is usually referred to as lagiana in Raga language and is thought to be
based on halan lagiana (the road of the marriage) which has been practiced from
before. I will describe this kind of marriage ceremony, which I tentatively
call traditional. It is equal in major points to the ceremony which is
described by Rev. Tevimule but is different in some minor points.
　　　A traditional marriage ceremony is composed of three stages. The first stage
is held on the day before marriage in the village of the bride and the bridegroom
respectively. This is the pre-stage of the marriage ceremony. In each side
they prepare for the day of marriage. The second stage is held in the village
of the bride on the day of marriage. At this stage, people of the bridegroom's side
take the bride and her belongings to the village of the bridegroom. After the
second stage, all the attendants move to the village of the bridegroom, where the
third stage is held. Here the bride wealth is bestowed to the bridegroom.(2)
　　　In this way, the people of the bride's side as well as those of the
bridegroom's side lastly come together to the village of the bridegroom, where
the big banquet is given. The people of the bride which is called atatun vavine
(the side of the woman) are composed of the tama (father) of the bride, her
vwavwa (father's sister), the bride's cluster members, and her moiety members other
than the bridegroom's tama and vwavwa.(3) The same classification is also applied
to the people of the bridegroom (atatun mwalanggelo:the side of the young boy). Those
people are entertained with a lot of kava and meals cooked in the earth-oven in the
banquet, which is managed by the real father of the bridegroom.
　　　Kava is a beverage prepared from the roots of the plant with the same
name (Piper methysticum). Kava is usually planted in the field far away from the
village. It is not an easy work to bring a lot of kava roots from the field
to the village. This is, however, just an initial step to produce a kava drink.
There remains the process to prepare a beverage from its roots. First, kava
roots are cut into small pieces. Then you pick a handful of these pieces with the
left hand and a serrated stone with the right hand. The kava pieces are thus
grounded and twisted by both hands. A little water is added to the smashed kava
roots and they are kneaded. Some amount of liquid comes out from squeezing these
kneaded roots. It is not drinkable yet. It becomes drinkable when it is
filtered by a sheet of coconut fiber and is served in a coconut cup.(4)
　　　The food in the earth-oven is called vwavwaligi. When vwavwaligi is
made, first of all, you have to have many stones burned by firewood in the
earth-oven. After the stones are well heated, they are removed from the oven. Then
leaves of heliconia (Heliconia indica) are laid on the heated bottom of the earth-
oven, and raw foods wrapped up in the same leaves are put on them. After the oven
is filled with foods, they are covered again with these leaves. Finally, the heated
stones, which have been removed from the oven in the prior step are put on these
leaves (Photo 1). When the stones cool down after several hours, the cooking is
finished. Vwavwaligi is a kind of baking in a casserole. In this way, vwavwaligi
requires many stones to be burned, a lot of pieces of firewood which burn stones,
and leaves of heliconia by which the ingredients are wrapped. The classificatory
fathers and father's sisters of the bridegroom are asked to fetch firewood from
the field, to bring stones to be burned from the stone ground one can find such
kind of stones, to bring leaves from the field, and so on.
　　　Here is an example to illustrate this procedure. Suppose that the marriage
ceremony is held at A village and a man of B village (who is a classificatory
father of the bridegroom) is requested to fetch firewood for earth-oven. The date
of the works is fixed by the real father of the bridegroom. On the day, this man
sets to work with the assistance of the people of B village. The firewood is cut
down from the field owned by the people of B village. The field which has a lot of
pieces of firewood and is near A village is selected. They start to work in the
morning. The lunch is served in A village. Since the other works such as collecting
leaves, bringing stones, and so on are also done on the same day, a lot of people
who come from several villages in North Raga eat lunch in A village. After lunch,
they work again till evening when they go back to A village. In the village, kava
and supper are prepared by the people of A village. People who finished working are
served to drink kava. After drinking kava, each of them is given a basket filled
with meals (taro or yam and meats etc.) for supper and they go back to their own
village with these baskets.
　　　Through the marriage ceremony, there are two kinds of North Ragan wealth,
which play important roles, that is, big red mat and pig. There are four kinds of
mat in North Raga. One is a big white mat called bwanmaita which is woven of
pandunus leaves. Another is a big red mat called bwanmemea which is the
bwanmaita dyed red. Bwanmemea is often referred to as simply bwana. Another
mat is a small white mat called barimaita which is also woven of pandanus
leaves. The other mat is a small red mat called barimemea or simply bari which
is barimaita dyed red. Bwana or big red mat is a kind of traditional money and
plays an important role in the life of North Raga. Bari or a small red mat is
used for a supplement of big red mat in the case of exchange or payment.
Small red mat is also used as a traditional dress. Women used it as a loincloth and
men as a G-string.
　　　Pigs are classified into three kinds, that is, sows (dura), bisexual pigs
(ravwe), and boars. There is no special Raga name for a boar and it is usually
called boe which is the general name for a pig. Both of bisexual pigs and boars
have tusks but now we can not find bisexual pigs in North Raga. Boars are
classified according to the size of the tusk (Figure 1). Boars which do not have




tusks yet are called udurugu. Boars whose tusks are just coming out from the lower
jaw are called bololvaga. You can know that it has small tusks only when it opens
its mouth. When its tusks come out of the mouth piercing the upper lip, the pig is
called tavsiri. Boars whose tusks are curving and reach cheeks are called bobibia.
Boars which have rounded tusks are called mabu, the meaning of which is to rest. It
is called mabu because the tips of the tusk comes back to the bone of the lower jaw
and stops there. Boars whose tusks are growing more and start to draw second arc
are called livoala.

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　�U

(1) First stage in the village of the bridegroom

　　　On a day before marriage, people come together to the village of the
bridegroom. They are atatun mwalanggelo. Today, a kind of bwalaitoa (joking
behavior) is occasionally held. Snake has an important role in this joking
behavior. The classificatory mothers of the bridegroom dance savagoro
dance in the meeting house (gamali) while outside the meeting house, the
father's sisters of the bridegroom dance tigo dance with long bamboos in
their hands in which snakes are packed. Then the latter group goes into the
meeting house and they strike the bamboo on the floor of the meeting house in
order that the snakes may come out. A great uproar occurs. They grasp the
snake and tear off. The father's sisters block the door of the meeting house
with flames of palm torches in order that the classificatory mothers can not
go outside (Photo 2). After that, the father's sister goes out of the meeting
house with a piece of snake in her hand. She is given a big red mat in the
form of hunhuni. This is said to have been the original custom of the Central and
was introduced to the North recently.(5)
　　　After this kind of bwalaitoa, comes hunhuni in which the bridegroom puts the end
of an unfolded big red mat over his head and gives it to his classificatory father
or father's sister who worked for the preparation of the banquet of the following
day or will do some kind of work in it (see Photo 3). The men who were requested to




fetch firewood, stones for the earth-oven, leaves for cooking, and kava plant from
the field are all given big red mats in hunhuni. The man of B village in the
above example who is requested to fetch firewood is given a big red mat in
this manner.(6) The men who are requested to make kava beverage, carry buckets of
water for kava making, peal taros or yams, kill a cattle in order to prepare side
dishes in the banquet of the following day, and to do savagoro dance after following
day's ceremony are also given big red mats in this scene.
　　　As was mentioned above, a man who is requested to fetch firewood cuts
them down from the field of the land of a person of the same village as him.
As for the leaves for cooking, the real father of the bridegroom usually says,
“You take them from my field or my son's field”. In spite of such a
suggestion, the man, who was asked for the work, often takes them from his own
field since these leaves grow quickly and are not so valuable. But kava is usually
cut down from the field of the real father of the bridegroom. As for stones for
the earth-oven, every place is accessible for this task.
　　　There are some differences between hunhuni to the fathers and that to the
father's sisters. In the former case, a big red mat is given to each man while in
the latter case some small red mats are added to a big red mat. Such small red
mats are usually given to the father's sister of the bridegroom with no expectation
of returning gift. This kind of gift is called tabeana. In the case that several
small mats are given to the father's sister, these mats are sometimes regarded as
vuro, which means a debt. This is often informed to the mat-receiver orally. If a
mat is given as vuro, a mat of the same value should be given back in future to the
mat-giver who is basically the real parents of the bridegroom (the return gift is
called sobwesobwe).(7)
　　　In this way, many mats are necessary for the real parents of the bridegroom,
to whom many mats have been given in advance by their relatives. On the day of
hunhuni, the father's sisters as well as the classificatory mothers and sisters of
the bridegroom come to his village with a lot of mats. The mats of the former are
given to his real parents as vuro which should be given back in the future to the
father's sisters, while those of the latter are given as tabeana which means that
there is no obligation to do a return gift to them.
　　　The big red mat transacted in hunhuni is regarded as mwemwearuvwa.
Mwemwearuvwa is an intermediary category between tabeana and vuro in the sense that
a return gift is not needed with tabeana and it is a must with vuro while it is
“expected”with mwemwearuvwa. In the other words, although a mat-giver is not
able to demand a return gift to the mat-receiver, the latter is expected to do it
in the fixed manner. Suppose a classificatory father A is requested to fetch
firewood and is given a big red mat in hunhuni from the real father B of the
bridegroom D. A is expected to give back a big red mat to B in the case of the
marriage ceremony of A's son C in which A asks B for cutting firewood or the
other work and puts a big red mat over the head of C and gives it to B (Figure 2).






(2) First stage in the village of the bride.

　　　In the village of the bride, things which the bride brings with her on
the day of the marriage are prepared. They consist of two big sacks woven of
pandanus leaves called tangbunia and daily commodities such as an alcohol lamp, a
bush knife, a suit case, dishes, seats, cups, dresses and so on.
　　　Sacks are filled with mats. One of the two sacks is filled with one big
white mat, many big red mats, and many small red mats. These are basically
prepared by the bride's real mother and real father and are to be owned by
the bride. This action is called hohogonivwa and the day is also named
hohogonivwa of so-and-so (the name of the bride). The other sack was filled,
as was observed in a marriage ceremony by me in 1981, with one big white mat and
six big red mats. These are prepared by the bride's fathers and are put in
the sack by her father's sisters. Her real father prepares two red mats,
one classificatory father prepares one white mat as well as one red mat, and
three classificatory fathers prepare one red mat respectively. These five
fathers of the bride including her real father play important roles in the
marriage ceremony as well as her marriage life. I refer to them here as the
bride's FATHERS.
　　　FATHERS are the receiver of the bride wealth, which consists of pigs.
The information about the number and status of pigs is announced in advance
to the people of the bride's side. FATHERS, considering how many mats are
equal to what status of pig, put their own mats in the sack. In this
marriage case, the bride wealth consists of five pigs, that is, bobibia,
tavsiri, 2 bololvagas, and udurugu. Real father of the bride who puts two big red
mats in the sack will get bobibia, the classificatory father who presents a
big white mat and a big red mat will get tavsiri, and each of other three
classificatory fathers who give a big red mat will get the remaining pigs
respectively. Six red mats the FATHERS of the bride put in the sack will
go to the bridegroom although the white mat will be owned by the bride.
Some of the daily commodities and money are given to the bride by her
kin. The bride's kin in this context means the members of her moiety and her
tamas (fathers) and vwavwas (father's sisters) who are in the other moiety.
The moiety members who are her tarabe (mother's brothers), her tua (sisters), or
her hogosi (brothers) mainly give money to the bride. Such a present is called
tabeana but some men think such a gift is a kind of mwemwearuvwa. The
bride's classificatory fathers who give her an alcohol lamp, a bush knife, or
a suit case are different persons from her FATHERS mentioned above. Those things
given by them or the bride's father's sisters should be reciprocated by big
red mats in the scene of hunhuni which is held later on the same day.
　　　In hunhuni many classificatory fathers or father's sisters of the bride
besides those mentioned above are given big red mats. Although the big
banquet will be held in the village of the bridegroom the following day, today's
banquet in the village of the bride should be arranged by the real father of
the bride. Classificatory fathers who are asked to cut down firewood, or the
other works are also given big red mats here. The classificatory fathers or
father's sisters who previously gave big red mats as vuro to the parents of the
bride will take sobwesowbe (return gift) in this hunhuni. Persons who always give
assistance to the bride or FATHERS and their wives may also become the mat-
receiver here, while the mat-giver is basically limited to the FATHERS and
their wives.

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　�V

(1) Second stage

　　　On the day of the marriage ceremony, first of all, the bride with
things such as big sacks and commodities is taken over to the people of
the bridegroom's side. In the house of the bride, people of the bride's side
are seen to cry. Then the mothers, sisters, and father's sisters of the bridegroom
go with making a big noise. This is a kind of bwalaitoa, that is, a joking behavior.
In this scene, the father's sisters pour muddy water on the mothers and sisters or
the former tickles the latter (see Photo 4). After that, the bride led by
one of her father's sisters goes out of her house. They put an unfolded big
red mat over their heads so that the bride may not visible clearly
In some marriages, hunhuni is held near her house. Although in
olden days，the bride killed a tusked boar at this time, now she only taps
the head or skull of the tusked pig by a walking stick. This was and is one
of occasions for a woman to get a pig-name.
　　　There is a graded system for woman in North Raga.(8) Women enter the
graded system by killing pigs of prescribed status and number. See figure 3.

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Ｆｉｇｕｒｅ　３


When she kills a tusked boar to enter a new grade, she gets a new name after
the name of the grade. This is the pig-name (iha boe). For example，a woman of
the lowest grade mwei may be named Mweimaiana while a woman of motari, the
highest grade, may be named Motariala. As mentioned above, nowaday the bride
does not really kill a pig but usually tap the head of the pig by a walking
stick. However this is enough to get a new pig-name.
　　　After such a scene, the bride led by her father's sister moves to the
middle of the ceremonial ground (sara) in the village. The bride's things such
as two big sacks and commodities which are brought to the village of the
bridegroom are put there and the bride with her father's sister who is
covered with an unfolded big red mat and the real father of the bride stand
by these things. The people of the bridegroom are gathering in the end of
the ceremonial ground and make hunhuni in which some of the classificatory
fathers and father's sisters of the bridegroom are given big red mats. These
persons will play a role of taking the bride as well as the bride's things.
After hunhuni, they walk over to those people standing in the middle of the
ceremonial ground, circulate them, and touch the hem of the clothes of the
real father of the bride in turn. This means that they receive the bride and
the bride's things from him(see Photo 6).





　　　A raw yam is put on one sack in which mats were packed by FATHERS.
One of the mothers of the bridegroom brings this sack while the other
sack is carried by one of the mothers of the bride. One of the sisters of
the bridegroom (not necessarily his real sister) gnaws a bit of the raw yam
and spits it out. This is said to mean that her brother (the bridegroom)
“spits out” his semen to the bride. This yam is cooked and eaten only by
the sisters of the bridegroom. Then, all of the attendants move to the
village of the bridegroom. On the way to the village of the bridegroom, a
kind of bwalaitoa was held before but is not held in recent marriage
ceremonies. I observed only one case in 1974 in which a man hit persons with
island broom.(9)

(2) Third stage

　　　In the village of the bridegroom, the bride wealth is given to the
FATHERS of the bride. Prior to the opening of the ceremony, many posts have
been set on the ceremonial ground in two lines. One line is called gain boe
(post of pig) and the other is called gain lingilingiana (post of lingilingiana).
Pigs fastened to the posts in the former line are the bride wealth (volin
vavine = the payment of the woman) and they go to the FATHERS of the bride.
　　　The bride wealth is sometimes prepared only by the bridegroom and
sometimes by his relatives. When his real father presents pigs as the bride
wealth, these pigs are regarded as tabeana to him. In this case, the mats the
FATHERS of the bride put in the sack are all owned by the bridegroom. When
the other relatives of the bridegroom such as his classificatory father, his
brother, his sister's son or any relative present pigs as the bride wealth,
these pigs are regarded to be compensated. Usually these gifts are
compensated by the mats of the FATHERS of the bride. For example, in the case
that the bridegroom presents his own bobibia and bololvaga, his real father
tavsiri and udurugu, and his classificatory father bololvaga and six big red
mats were put in the sack by the FATHERS of the bride, five mats will be
owned by the bridegroom and one by his classificatory father.
　　　On the ceremonial ground, big red mats the number of which is the same
as that of pigs are put besides them. These mats which are called raun longgo
(leaf of laplap: laplap is a kind of pudding) go to the father's sisters of the bride.
The pigs fastened to the posts in the latter line are used in lingilingiana which is
the scene of the exchange of pigs and big red mats.
　　　Two more posts are built on the ground between these two lines of posts.
A note of 1000 vatu is attached to one of these two posts.(10) This is
called tavwen bibiliana (the payment for the dirty works) which is given to
the real mother or parents of the bride from the parents of the bridegroom.
This is said to be the payment for the personal needs of the bride as a baby.
To the other post of these two is fastened a sow called duran vavine (a sow
of the woman), which is given to the real mother of the bride from the
parents of the bridegroom.
　　　Now the bridegroom gives a big red mat to his classificatory father who
is also chief (ratahigi) in the hunhuni manner.(11) Then the bridegroom stands
by the posts to which many pigs are fastened. The chief mentioned above
gives the bridegroom advices about life in a big voice (see Photo 7). After




that, the FATHERS of the bride and their wives walk to the bridegroom on the
ceremonial ground, circle around him and all of the pigs, and touch the
hem of his clothes respectively. They bring all of the pigs and big red mats.
This is the scene in which the bride wealth is given to the father of the
bride. Pigs as bride wealth are those fastened to the posts in one line, the
number of which is usually five. The other many pigs are the object of the
exchange in lingilingiana.
　　　In lingilingiana, each of the mother of the bride puts some big red mats
over the head of the bride and says to the bridegroom, for example,“ Father,
your three big red mats and ten small red mats are there( Bwanamwa,tata,
gaitolu mai malomwa hangvulu).”(12) The mother of the bride refers to the
bridegroom as father because she is his daughter(nitu)(Figure 4).(13) Then
the bridegroom comes to the bride to take these mats.


　　　　　　　　　　 　　Ｆｉｇｕｒｅ　４


　　　Those women prepare these mats assuming that these mats may have
equal value to so and so status of pig. The exchange of mats and pigs in
linglingiana is roughly based on the equivalence rule shown in Figure 5. In
one marriage ceremony, twenty three persons presented mats in lingilingiana.

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Figure 5


　　　The number of persons who present mats is sometimes over that of pigs. In
this case, some persons who can not find pigs to be exchanged with mats go
back home with their mats. Sometimes the owner of the pig does not agree
that the presented mats have equal value to his pig. In this case, the
exchange is not settled. In certain marriage ceremony, although a woman
presented three big red mats and ten small red mats in order to get tavsiri,
there remained no tavsiri. Then the woman lastly decided to exchange two big
red mats and ten small red mats with bololvaga. In an another marriage
ceremony, a woman presented four big red mats and forty small red mats to
get livoala. The exchange was successfully transacted in this case.
　　　After lingilingiana, the bride goes to the house of the bridegroom. One
of his sisters puts a green leaf of coconut on the floor as the sitting
place of the bride. She is given a small red mat for this action. The real
father of the bride said, “This is your sitting place, my daughter, forever
forever (Tanomwa hangge geki mwei vai tuai vai tuai).” Then begins bwanlailai.
Here the real mother of the bride gives big red mats to the sisters or
brothers of the bridegroom who assisted meals, kava, mats in the marriage
ceremony.
　　　While bwanlailai is performed in front of the house of the bridegroom,
three earth-ovens are set in the meeting house, where vwavwaligi is made. In
the first oven named “the oven for all,” tubercles such as taros or yams
and the meats of the beasts such as pigs which were killed for the today's
banquet or recently cattle are cooked. These meals are for all of the
attendants to the ceremony. The meals cooked in the second oven named “the
oven for the father of the bride”are only for the fathers and the father's
sisters of the bride. The third oven named “the oven for the mother of the
bride” supplies the meals for the maternal kin of the bride such as the
bride's mothers, mother's brothers, brothers, sisters, and children etc. The
meals cooked in the third oven is specially called umu which contains
cooked sow. The sow cooked in this oven is usually presented by the parent
of the bridegroom, sometimes by his mother's brother. A big red mat called
specially bwanan umu (a big red mat of umu) as well as five or ten small
red mats are given to the person who presents the sow by the mother of the
bride. I observed in a certain marriage ceremony that the real mother of the
bride presented a big red mat and a classificatory mother ten small red mats.
　　　Before taking umu from the oven, one of the classificatory mothers of
the bride treads on stones which were put on leaves of heliconia covering
umu. This means that a child of this woman will marry in the near future.
In the case of the marriage ceremony above mentioned, a woman who presented
ten small red mats for umu treaded on the stones.
　　　In olden days, after the marriage ceremony, the attendants went back to
their own village except the FATHERS of the bride and their wives, who
slept in the village of the bridegroom. The following day, they went back
home with tanmosi, which was a special vwavwaligi made by the bridegroom all
night. He killed a fowl for each couple and cooked it in vwavwaligi. Now
many people of the bride's side sleep in the village of the bridegroom. Next
day, all of them go home with meals in baskets which are also called tanmosi.

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Notes to Introduction

(1) I already translated Chapters 1 to 5 into English in “The Story of Raga
　 I”(Yoshioka 1987), and Chapters 6 to 7 in “The Story of Raga II”
　 (Yoshioka 1988). As for the vocabulary of Raga language, see Yoshioka
and Leona 1992. I am grateful to my colleague Masayuki Kato for his
helpful comments on an earlier version of this paper.
(2) After such a traditional marriage ceremony (or in some cases before the
ceremony) young couple has a church marriage. Now most people of North
Raga are Christian. I observed the traditional marriage ceremony nine
times during my field researches in 1974, 1981-1982, 1985, 1991, 1992,
1996, and in 1997. Here I describe the traditional marriage ceremony
mainly based on the observation of that which was held on 25th in
September in 1981. It is supplemented by the data of other marriage
ceremonies which are basically similar to that of 1981 in spite of the
gap of time.
(3) North Raga has matrilineal moieties which are themselves divided into
four groups which I named cluster. As for the kin terms, see Yoshioka
1988.
(4) This is how to make kava beverage in North Raga. In the southern islands
in Vanuatu, kava roots are chewed instead of being smashed by a stone.
(5) The meeting house (gamali) has been described in the anthropological
documents as the men's house. It is called men's house because women
have been said to be prohibited to enter into it. In North Raga, however,
a special woman who finished certain rituals has been traditionally
allowed to enter into it. See Yoshioka 1994.
(6) However the people of his village who assisted him are given nothing.
For them, the lunch, the supper, and kava are tavwe (payment) for their
works. But the taros or yams which are cooked for lunch or supper
are given to the people of B village from those of A village in advance.
In this way, the payment for the work (tavwe) in this case is consisted
mainly of the work for cooking.
(7) A big red mat (bwana) given as vuro is often called bwanmosi while a
small red mat (bari) given as vuro, barimosi. The return gift for bwanmosi
is often called bwanvwalvwaliu, while that for barimosi, barivwalivwaliu.
(8) The graded system for men will be discussed in “The Story of Raga V.”
　 See Yoshioka 1998.
(9) In this case, a hitting man might be tama (father) of the bridegroom while
hit persons were those of the side of the bridegroom such as his ratahi
(mother), his tarabe (mother's brother), his tua (brothers), and his hogosi
(sisters) etc.
(10)Vatu is a currency of Vanuatu.
(11)Ratahigi is a traditional political leader who is in the highest grade
vira in the graded system of North Raga. Ratahigi is translated as jif
(chief) in Bislama.
(12)A small red mat is called malo (G-string) when it is given to men.
(13)Today, not only the mother of the bride but also her mother's brothers
participate in lingilingiana as mat-giver. They also call the bridegroom
their father.

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　References

Yoshioka, M

　　1987 “The Story of Raga:A Man's Ethnography on his Own Society (I) The
　　　　　　Origin Myth.”Shinshudaigaku Kyoyobu Kiyo 21:1-66 (Faculty of Liberal
　　　　　　Arts, Shinshu University)
　　1988 “The Story of Raga:A Man's Ethnography on his Own Society (II) Kin
　　　　　　Relations.”Shinshudaigaku Kyoyobu Kiyo 22:19-46 (Faculty of Liberal
　　　　　　Arts, Shinshu University)
　　1994 “Taboo and Tabooed:Women in North Raga of Vanuatu.”K.Yamaji (ed.)
　　　　　　Gender and Fertility in Melanesia. Dept. of Anthropology, Kwansei Gakuin
　　　　　　University. pp.75-108
　　1998 Meranesia no Ikai Kaiteisei Shakai:Hokubu Raga ni okeru Shinzoku, Koukan,
　　　　　　Ridashippu (The Graded System in Melanesia: Kinship, Exchange and
　　　　　　Leadership in North Raga) in Japanese, Tokyo:Fukyosha.

Yoshioka,M and R.Leona

　　1992 “A Vocabulary of the North Raga Language: Olgeta Tok long Lanwis
　　　　　　blong Not Pentekost.”Kindai 72:1-39. (Faculty of Cross Cultural
　　　　　　Studies, Kobe University)



　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　VEVHURIN RAGA

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Tavaluna 8

1)Be dura nu vahuhu atamani i vavine, sa mwata nu vahuhu nituna atamani i
　vavine. Kera geki ran lagi ram bav ira nitura. Ram ivusi mai nitun houn
talai i matmaita. Ta naturi vavine kea gaiviha, naturi atamani hen ivusi.
(1) Ira lagi gairua raru bav nitura mwalanggelo ramuru gita vavine vwate
nu ros atatu. Ramuru lai nitu boe sa bwana, ramuru lai nitura mwalanggelo
men tai man simango. I kea mwa dai simango gin boe sa bwana(2) mwa en gi
vuron vavine. Niu mwa hav vora te niu mwasigi ta ihana be binihi marahi,
be naturigi vi vora ta bwativun non ginau boe sa bwana kea. Vavine ros
atatu havan mwalanggelo.(3) Nu hanggo nituna.

2)Naturigi atamani, ira gitanggoro ram uloi wangga be U U. Be naturi vavine,
gitanggoro ram bev gin silo gaivua be imwa duluai rav rongoe be tasalana
ata Ute taragaiana.(5) Ira hei ram iloe be vavine. Ram lai bari, naturigi
nu hunia(6) lalai bilan vwavwa gonggonai, bwatuna be binihi marahi.
Mwahavana vavine mwa hanggo atatu, aloan tamana abena atamani. Hogisin
tamana vi lai damu vi wehi toa vi valinia vi vugea vi laia gi gan vavine,
gabe nituna nu vora ta vavine, vwavwa bilan vavine hanggo atatu nituna
atamani. Atatu duluai ram iloe be naturi vavine kea aloan tamana nu van
nggoroe huba, raru vi lagi vai nongoiha.(7) Tuhuba vavine hanggo atatu vi
eno gubweng hangvulu vi garuhi bibilin voroana. Naturi vavine mwa
daulatoga tauluna 10 sa hanvul doma, ratahin daulato vi hingge bilan
vwavwa vi vugeri(8) bwanana, gabe nu lai mahalei nggoro daulato.(9) Take
mwalanggelo i daulato ramuru hav lagi te radu. Be daulato nu ilo bwana non
ratahina take vi matagu vi lalagi(10) radu.

3)Taman mwalanggelo i ratahina raru vi gita boe gaitolu sa gailima, muan boe
livona nu en lol iluna sa bobibia, bwanmemea gailima sa hangvulu. Nitura
men lagi. Kunia mulei tabwalugu(11) vi lihilihi.(12) Vi lai bwanmemea
lalai bilan vwavwa sa havana vwate vavine lavoa i non lavoa non vavine vi
lol non lihilihi. Kea vi lihi ginau hangvulu doma sa 20. Be nitun ratahigi,
(13) liu 50. Tamana vwate vi lai boe, boe livo kea vi wehia vi lol
ginaganiana. Be tabwalugu nitun ratahigi vi wehi boe mabu sa livoala.(14)
Bongi ira vavine rav lol singisingi rav tigo vi rani. Ira bilan vwavwa rav
lai tabwalugu be vi gagaru an tahi. Rav hamai nin tahi i gem wehi boe ba
hae lol gamali(15) i gem lihi ginau duluai matbongon gamali. Keki huri
nitun ratahigi ngano.

4)Nitun atatu hivhivo ram lol lalanggovanana ngan la imwan tamana vi lihi �@
sori �A bari sa bari gairua �B uli �C lalau �D bunbune sa bunbune gairua
sa gaitolu �E livon boe vi tagarae sa livo gairua be nu wehi boe gaiviha
vi tagara livo hangge kunia. Nitun ratahigi vi tagara livo hangvulu. Livo
keki vi tagarae batena ira tamana rav loli sa ira havana rav lol bolololi.
(16) Be nitun atatu ngan nu hiruga gin bwanmemea i boe take bilan
uteloloara dum i ginau duluai keki nu vahal nituna, bwatuna nu hav lol te
didini rovoga lol talu sa nu hav lai te bilan dura.

5)Hangge tamana mwa hora non nituna. Nora mahalei bwanmemea, toa nu wehia
gabe tabwalugu nu vora. Tamana nu habwe boe livo huba i boe gaiviha mulei
gi volin vavine. Tamana vi ngis gubwen gaiono sa gaivwelu,(17) hohov
lalanggova huri ginaganiana i kea nu hahara nituna huba lol gubwengi
duluai huri halan ginau duluai. Keki gaha vi hora nituna vai aben
tamaragai vwate be vi haharae gin mataisao. Kunia ngan mulei tabwalugu,
tamana nu haharae sa tamaragai vavine sa tamaragai atamani. Lagia ran wehi
boe gi bigin vwavwaligi nu wehi dura ran valinia la imwa. Dura vwaligi kea
ihana umu.

6)Hangge ira taman vavine, ninovi ran lalanggonggo, be kera gaivasi rav
hanggo volin nitura bului tamana. Kera gaivasi ram mai mai bwanmemea
gaivasi gi buluin non tamana nu nggol nituna ginia. Ira bilan vwavwa ran
lai tabwalugu ram hiv an tahi sa hala behe mwa hav iloe te be vaigougo vi
lagi, ta rav la vava rai votu kea vi gita batoia ta si hav hudaligi tehe.
Amua tamaragai nu haharae ta nu vev dau huri ute vai nongoiha. Mwarani
taman mwalanggelo mai ratahina raru lai bwanmemea gaituvwa bari ivusi. Ta
hogosin mwalanggelo, be hogosina sibona sa hogosina nitun tamana vwate,
kea vi lai bwanmemea vi hanggoe, i hogosina vwate vi lai barimemea vi
hanggoe. Bwanmemea gairua gainggolen vavin lagi vwate. Mwalanggelo vi
hunia gi bwanan ihei gaituvwa nin ira havan tamana,(18) ta taman mwalanggelo
mai ratahina i tuan ira ratahin mwalanggelo ran tomare ran hanggo bwana
ivusi nggolenggole gaibwalbwalo huri tabwalugu,teltele huri mwalanggelo.(19)

7)Hangge ira atatun mwalanggelo ram botui vanuan tabwalugu. Ira ratahin
mwalanggelo mai ira hogosina ram ban ram du matbongon imwa.Taman tabwalugu
vi haroro la imwana aben tabwalugu vi uloinia be mwei namen lingigo garigi
gom lagi nin imwadaru. Hangge huin tabwalugu mwa ruru mwa dei.(20) Ira
hogosin atamani lagi ram lai bari gaituvwa ram detel tabwalugu ginia, i
vwavwa bilan tabwalugu vwate vi tagahi dagai barin tabwalugu gabe nu to
maia. Vwavwa kea mwa nggahalai ramun bari gara la gaon tabwalugu. Gaon
tabwalugu mwasin gao wasi be unu sa gaovunga.Hangge hogosin mwalanggelo vi
hagai bwanmemea gabe nu hanggoe. Vwavwa bilan vavine vi vugeri bwana kea
vwavwa i tabwalugu ramuru du aten bwana ram mai vai lol sara.

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Tavaluna 9

1)Hangge taman vavine vi lai taiva vi hagainia be ramen uvia.Taman tabwalugu
vi lai boe, nituna vi wehia vi ware ihana be mitalai sa mwisale sa mitari
hano be ihan bilan vwavwa sa ihan tamana, �@ Mitalaihuhu, kunia ihan
tamana Molhuhu, �A Mwisaleliliu, tamana Moliliu, �B Mitaribani, tamana
Molbani, sa vi ware ihan havana vwate nu mate huba tuai gabe vavine. Be
si motari kea nitun ratahigi Motariala, tamana Viraala.(21) Tamana mwa avo
mwa hahara nituna mwa do aben boe mate i tangbunia gabe ira tamana gailima
ran hogon bwana ninovi alolona. Gairuan tangbunia non ratahin tabwalugu
kea nu taua mwa hen to dagai mau. Hangge nogonan avoana taman tabwalugu be
nom vavine i masan tasalamwa nom tanga mwa eno. Ta tanga gea damu gaituvwa
nu en aluna, hogosin mwalanggelo vi lai damu vi gasia.

2)Ratahin mwalanggelo nu lai bwana, mwalanggelo vi hunia la bwatuna vi uloi
ihan havan tamana vwate vi veve be bwanamwa tata. Ira ratahin mwalanggelo
ram bugeri bari vataha bilan vwavwa.(22) Vwavwa ram gaisigo gin ariu bwaro
ram huri atamani gabe mwalanggelo nu hun bwanana. Ram bano, taman
mwalanggelo vi hanggo bwana vi tomuai mwalanggelo, vwavwa ram huri
mwalanggelo. Rav dalis tabwalugu mai tamana, tanga, damu, boe mate, rav la
dalisia varua rav harav bugin taman tabwalugu.(23) Hogosin mwalanggelo vi
lai damu vi gasi aluna. Ratahin mwalanggelo vwate vi ros tangbunia.
Ratahin vavine, ira tuana ram ros non tangbunia, kea non vuvugeri alolona.
Lolovono lalai ira tuan tabwalugu, gabe daulato dodolua ram lalagi
mwalanggelo lagi maira tuana dodolua.

3)Hangge kekhadogaha tatan atatu gailima ram samara la hala. Vwavwa bilan
mwalanggelo ram samara mai nora teltele be rav wehi ira ratahin
mwalanggelo maira hogosina, sa rav garuhira gin wai sa bili sa taniavu.
Ira ratahin tabwalugu gabe ira tasalan tamana dodolua ban dagai ram doron
be rav bulbul tagainira rav veve be kekea, be ramen gan bwangon tabwalugu
sa rav hanggo huhuna. Ta vwavwa bilan tabwalugu ram dul dagai ira ratahina
i tabwalugu mabutu alun bilan ira vwavwa. Ira ratahina ram gele avoana non
tabwalugu nu togo gi vavin togo(24) radu nu av leilei ira tasalan tamana
mai get marahi sa rovoga hahavwani sa vwangavwangan boe. Ratahin tabwalugu
ram bugeri bwanmemea lalai vwavwa bilan mwalanggelo huri teltele.(25) Ira
taman tabwalugu ram lai gaiviviligi huhugave i dame, ihei nona 50 sa 100
mwa du la hala be vi wehi hei nin ira hogosin vavine lagia. Ratahin
mwalanggelo vi vugeri bwana hangge vi ravae na atatu gabe taman tabwalugu
(26) hangge rav siv langgao. Ira mwalanggelo rituai havan lagi ram bosa rau
(27) mwa dabahu vava rav votu.

4)Hangge ira vavine ram samara liu ran votu la vanua. Mwalanggelo vi tai non
gai, tamana vwate vi vahoe lol sara, gai gailima gain boe, gain
lingilingiana varana vwate. Rav uv taiva huri livon muan boe(28) gi matan
boe gabe tabwalugu nu wehia. La varan boe gaivasi bilan atatu gaivasi ran
hogon bwana ninovi bului taman tabwalugu, i raun longgo gailima sa gaiviha
gabe bwanmemea. Atatu lagi mwa doroi tuan mwalanggelo gin bwatun boe mate
gabe tasalana nu wehia, vi toroi(29) tuana ban dagai nin mwasin tuan
sibona.

5)Hangge mwalanggelo vi tu vi tau limana alun gai muan boe aluna, tamana
vwate sa non ratahigi gabe mwasin havana(30) vi avo aluna vi haharae gin
halan ginau rituai, sobe mwalanggelo bwatigoruga vi hulu vagahia lol matan
sinobu be kea voso sa bugurana sa vonosleoana sa nu hav rong te tamana mai
ratahina. Avoana vi nogo taman tabwalugu gailima mai ratahina ram alo boe
mai dura, lingilingiana, raun longgo. Rav aloe varua,rav harav bugin atatu
lagi. Taman tabwalugu vi vataha kera gaivasi gin boe, vi vataha vwavwa
bilan tabwalugu gin bwana raun longgo. Ira ratahin vavine,muana mwa bugeri
bwana gaituvwa sa gairua i bari gailima sa hangvulu, vi taua la bwatun
tabwalugu, vi uloi ahoan tabwalugu be bwanamwa tata malomwa gailima sa
hangvulu. Ira ratahina rituai rav vugeri nora kunia rav tata duluai la
mwlanggelo vi ling ira tasalan bwaligana gin boe i dura.(31)

6)Hangge vavine vi van la imwan ahoana. Hogosin ahoana vi vora rau niu bwaro,
vi vohainia tabwalugu vi to alolona, ta ratahin tabwalugu vi lai bari huri
rau niu kea. Ratahin tabwalugu vi vugeri bwanan ira tuan mwalanggelo mai
ira hogosina, kera ngan gabe ram bului mwalanggelo gin bilara ginaganiana
sa malogu sa bwana seresere memea. Longgo vi manogo, mwalanggelo vi hun
bwanan atatun tamana vwate raru vi van la imwa vi voro longgo. Ratahin
tabwalugu vwate vi varahi vatun umu ta kea gabe nituna mwa dogo vi siv
lagi vai nongoiha. Ta varahi vatu mwa du huri nitun vira mai motari be
motari nu vugeri seresere gailima i bari memea vudolua, vira nu hogon
seresere hangvulu. Kea hanggea motari vi hingge motari vwate vi varahi
vatu, binihiva be motari vi lol kunia batena nituna vi lagi vai nongoiha,
kea vi lol kunia. Sinobu ram bisalsala nin ira bwaligan mwalanggelo
gailima i tasalara gailima ram maturu vai rani. Gabi vi oda vi wehi gara
toa gailima rav vugea. Ira lagi rav taura la hala rav avo duleinira.


　　　　　　　　　　　The Story of Raga

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Chapter 8

(1)A sow gave birth to a boy and a girl, and a sea snake had a male
child and a female child. They got married to each other and had
their children. They are numerous together with the descendants of a
giant clam and a white button shell. Although the number of female
children was not known, the males slightly outnumbered the females(1).
A married couple who had a baby boy seeks for a pregnant woman. They
two give a piglet or a big red mat (to this woman), and they let
　 their baby boy cut his young coconut. In this way (it is said) he
cuts a young coconut with a pig or a big red mat(2). A pig or a big
red mat given to the pregnant woman becomes her debt(3). The coconut
(mentioned here) is not a real one but such a phrase has a deep
meaning, that is, the starting point of everything of a newborn was
from such a pig or a big red mat. The pregnant woman is a relative of
(this) boy(4). (Now) she has given birth to a baby.

2)If a newborn is a boy, the midwives shout “U, U”in the same way as
one calls a canoe. If a girl, they say that tasalana ata Ute taragaiana
　(5) in such a big voice that people in all houses can hear it.
Everybody knows that a newborn is a girl. They bring a small red mat
and a child has it over its head and gives it to her father's sister
(6) seriously because it has a serious meaning. Suppose that when a
woman gives birth to a baby, there is her father's sister's son. Her
father's sister will bring yams, will kill a fowl, will cook them in
the earth-oven, will take them out of the oven, and will give them to
her as her foods in the case that this woman has given a female baby
and the child of her father's sister is a boy. Everybody knows that
the father's sister's son of the woman (who has just given birth to a
female baby) has secured this female baby and that they two will marry
someday(7). Well, the woman who had a child will lie down for ten days
and (on the tenth day) she will wash dirty things from her
childbirth. The female child grows into a girl called daulato when she
is ten years old or more, (then) her mother finds out her father's
sister and unfolds(8) a big red mat in order to give it to her, who
made mahalei and secured this girl(9). But the boy and girl do not
marry yet. Even though the girl has known the meaning of the big red
mat given by her mother, she is afraid of the boy and is lalagi (to
him)(10) yet.

3)The father and mother of the boy prepare three or five pigs, the first
of which has tusks growing up to its sideburns i.e. bobibia, and five
or ten big red mats. Their child is going to marry. In the side of the
girl(11), she performs a ceremony called lihilihi(12). She gives a big
red mat to her father's sister or a highly ranked female relative, and
this highly ranked woman operates her lihilihi. She purchases more than
ten or twenty things (in this ceremony). If she is a child of a chief
(13), more than fifty. One of her fathers brings a tusked pig which
she kills for a meal. If she is a child of a chief, she kills mabu or
livoala(14). At night women beat the slit drums and they make a tigo
dance till daylight. The father's sisters of the girl let her bathe
in the sea. After coming back from the sea, she kills a pig in order
to enter into the meeting house(15), and she purchases everything in
front of the meeting house. (But) this is the case of a daughter of a
chief only.

4)In the case of a daughter of the lower ranked men, they prepare
everything in the house of her father and she purchases (the following
things), �@ornament leaves attached in the back called sori, �Aa small
red mat or two small red mats, �Ba dye, �Ca feather, �D one, two or
three dried leaf umbrellas called bunbune, �E a tusk of a pig which
she puts around her arm, or two tusks, the number of which depends on
how many pigs she kills. A daughter of a chief puts ten tusks around
her arm. She puts them in this way when her fathers or her relatives
hold bolololi ceremonies(16). If she is a daughter of an ordinary man
who is poor for red mats and pigs but who has only his garden, he can
not give her a chance to take these things. This is because he did not
work hard in his garden or he did not have his sow.

5)Then the father of the boy sends a messenger for him (to the father of
the girl). Their mahalei is a red mat and a fowl which was killed when
the girl was born. The father of the boy already found a tusked pig
and some other pigs for a bride wealth. He takes six or seven leaves
out from the stem of cycad (Cycas circinnalis)(17), and he begins to
　prepare for a banquet. He already taught his child about the road of
everything on a past day. Now he sends his child to an old person who
will confer knowledge on him. Same is found with the case of a girl.
Her father or an old female person or an old male person taught it to
her. On the day of marriage, they will kill pigs for the meat cooked
in the earth-oven (in the meeting house) and a sow will be killed
which was cooked in the earth-oven in the house. A sow which is cooked
in the earth-oven is called umu.

6)Then the four (classificatory)fathers of the girl who came together to
her village the previous day will get the bride wealth of their child
with her (real) father. These four men came here with four big red
mats which were supplemented to that of her (real) father, who
prepares for (the marriage of) his daughter with these mats. The
father's sisters of the girl took her to the sea or any place and
(at that time) she does not know that she will marry the following day.
They walk out and reach (the sea), then she understands her
circumstances. But she does not ask about it. (Because) the old
person already taught her about such a happening in the future. Next
day, the father of the boy and his mother bring one big red mat and
many small red mats. A sister of the boy, who is his real sister or a
sister of the child of his another father, will bring a big red mat
with her and another sister will bring a small red mat with her. One
of two big red mats is used for an outfit of the girl who are going to
marry. The boy will put the other big red mat over his head and give
it to one of his classificatory fathers(18). The father, mother, and
mother's sisters of the boy bring many big red mats which are used for
(the payment to) the performance of whips of the girl's side and that
of snakes of the boy's side(19).

7)Now the people of the boy arrive at the village of the girl. The boy's
mothers and sisters go to the entrance of the (girl's) house. The
father of the girl enters into her house and he says,“My daughter, I
let you go today, you marry out from our house.”Then she trembles and
cries(20). Sisters of the boy who is going to marry bring one small
red mat and they put it to the waist of the girl. And one father's
sister of the girl takes off the (old) small red mat which has been
the loin clothe of the girl. This father's sister of the girl puts
the fringes of the new small red mat into her waist belt. This belt of
the girl is really strong vine, that is called unu or another vine
called gaovunga. Then a sister of the boy will submit a big red mat
which she have had (to the father's sister of the girl). The father's
sister of the girl unfolds the big red mat and puts it over her head
as well as the girl's head. With this big red mat being put over their
heads, they go to the ceremonial ground.

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Chapter 9

1)Now the father of the girl brings a trumpet shell and hand it to the
those who blow it. He brings a pig and his daughter kills it, which
results in her taking a name of Mitalai or Mwisale or Mitari so and so
named after her father's sister or her father (for example;)�@
Mitalaihuhu if her father's name is Molhuhu,�AMwisaleliliu if her father
is Moliliu, �BMitaribani if her father is Molbani, or she will take over
the name of a female relative who was dead long time ago. If (a woman
of the grade of) motari is a child of a chief and her name is Motariala,
her father is Viraala(21). (After she kills a pig,) the father speaks
to and advises to his daughter who is standing near the dead pig as
well as a big sack (woven of pandanus leaves) into which her five
fathers put big red mats the previous day. The second big sack which
is of her mother is placed a little away from the first one. Then in
the end of his speech, the father of the girl says,“Your woman, a pig
which your wife has killed, and your big sack are there.” On the big
sack, there has been a yam which the sister of the boy will take and
gnaw.

2)The mother of the boy brings a big red mat which the boy puts over
his head. He calls the name of one of his classificatory fathers and
says,“Your big red mat, my father.” The mothers of the boy unfold a
small red mat for each of his father's sisters(22). These father's
sisters walk with green reeds as their sticks after a man to whom the
boy has given a big red mat by putting it over his head. They walk.
The boy's father carries a big red mat under his arm who is walking
ahead of the boy, after whom his father's sisters walk. They turn
around the girl, her father, big sacks, a yam, and a dead pig. They
turn around them twice and they lightly touch the hem of the clothes
of the girl's father(23). The sister of the boy takes a yam and gnaw
it. One mother of the boy shoulders one big sack. The mother and
sisters of the girl shoulder their own big sack in which their big
red mats and small red mats are placed. The girl's sisters are seized
with sorrows. All of them are lalagi to the marrying boy as well as
all of his brothers.

3)Now five groups of people are mischievous on the road. Father's
sisters of the boy are so mischievous that they beat mothers and
sisters of the boy by snakes (being grasped in their hands) or that
the former pours water, mud or ashes on the latter. The girl's mothers,
who are wives of the girl's distantly related fathers, try to bring
their faces close to the face of the girl shouting kekea in order to
kiss her, or they try to grasp the girl's breasts. But father's
sisters of the girl push them away and the girl somehow goes to her
father's sisters. Her mothers throw back her (own) words which were
uttered to them, when she was still a little girl(24), that she would
not do such a thing as carrying a heavy basket, working hard or
feeding pigs. Her mothers unfold big red mats which are given to the
father's sister of the boy for the performance of the snake-beating
(25). Her fathers bring whip-like branches called huhugabe and dame.
Each of them who has fifty or an hundred whips stands on the road in
order to beat anyone of brothers of the girl who has just married. The
mother of the boy unfolds a big red mat and the father of the girl
takes it(26). Then they pass by. Some of young men who are relatives
of the married boy make a noise(27) by hitting leaves on their rounded
hands until they reach (the boy's place).

4)Now Women are more mischievous. A party reaches the village of the boy.
The boy cuts off branches and one of his fathers sets them into the
ceremonial ground (as posts). Five posts make one row which is called
the post of the pig and the other row is called the post of
lingilingiana. They blow trumpet shells in order to show the status of
the first pig(28) which is the substitute of the pig the girl killed.
(The other) four pigs are fastened to the posts of the (first) row,
which are given to four men who packed big red mats in the girl's big
sack with her (real) father the previous day, and (besides them),
there are five or so big red mats which are called leaves of laplap
(raun longgo). The married boy gives the head of the pig his wife killed
to his brother. He gives(29) it to his (classificatory) brother who is
in a remote position far away from his true brother.

5)Then the boy stands by and puts his hand on the post to which the
first pig is fastened. One of his fathers or his chief who is his true
relative(30) speaks to him and teaches some moral principles to him.
If the boy is lazy, this man scolds him in the public saying that he
is idle, he is like a shell, he is noisy, or he does not listen to his
parents (but everything is finished today). After his speech, five
fathers and mothers of the girl come and turn around pigs, a saw,
lingilingiana, and big red mats called raun longgo. They round twice and
they touch the hem of the clothes of the married man. The father of
the girl distributes pigs to these four men and big red mats called
raun longgo to father's sisters of the girl. The first woman among the
mothers of the girl unfolds one or two big red mats as well as five
or ten small red mats, and puts them over the head of the girl, then
calls the husband of the girl and says, “Your big red mats, my father,
　your g-strings are five or ten.” Some of her mothers unfold their big
red mats in this way, to all of whom the boy is related as their
father. The boy lets go these wives of his bwaliga with pigs and saw
(31).

6)Then the girl goes into the house of her husband. The sister of her
husband breaks off a green coconut leaf and throw it. The girl sits
down on it. The mother of the girl brings (and gives) a small red mat
(to her) for this coconut leaf. The mother of the girl unfolds big red
mats and gives them only to those brothers or sisters of the boy who
helps him in preparing kava, food, or big red mat. When the laplap is
finished, the boy puts a big red mat over his head and gives it to
one of his fathers. They two go into the house and they pour coconut
milk on the laplap. One of the mothers of the girl treads on the
stones of the earth-oven of umu. This means that a child of this
woman will marry some day. But in the case of treading on the stones
(in the marriage ceremony) of a female child of vira and motari, motari
unfolds five big red mats and one hundred small red mats and vira
(already) packed one hundred big red mats in a big sack (in the day
of hohogonivwa.) In this way, motari will search another motari who
will tread on the stones of the earth-oven of umu. This means that
motari will do the same thing when her child will marry some day.
People go home leaving five bwaliga of the boy and their five wives,
who sleep (here) until morning. The boy makes fire and he kills five
fowls for their foods and he cooks them in the earth-oven. (Then) the
married couple will see them off on their way and say good-by to them.


　　Notes to Vevhurin Raga & The Story of Raga

(1) From the beginning to this point, the story is mythic. In “The Story of
Raga I”, Rev. Tevimule described the origin myth, in which a giant clam
and a white button shell play important roles. It is not clear why he
started the story of Chapter 8 with the children of sow and sea snake.
(2) This is an idiomatic phrase concerning infant betrothal. The phrase of
mwa dai simango gin boe sa bwana (mwa = he, dai = to cut, simango = a young
coconut which is filled with coconut juice, gin = with, boe = a pig, sa =
or, bwana = a big red mat) is used when the parent of a baby boy gives a
pig or a big red mat to a pregnant woman, who calls the mother of the
boy vwavwa (father's sister), with intention that if she gives birth to
a girl, they let marry their child to this girl. See also Note 7.
(3) This also means that if the pregnant woman gives birth to a girl, she
should “give” her child as a wife to the boy who cut down a young
coconut, which results in the payoff of her debt.
(4) The pregnant woman is nitu (mother's brother's daughter) of the boy. See Figure in Note 7.
(5) The meaning of taragaiana is not clear. Ute is a name of place and is
changeable to another place name in this phrase, such as tasalana ata
Gihage taragaiana.
(6) The meaning of hunia is “to put the end of an unfolded big red mat over
one's head and give it to one's father or father's sister”. This is
performed in hunhuni. See Section �U of Introduction.
(7) In North Raga, a man can marry his mabi while a woman her sibi. The
situation is explained by the following figure. A is a woman who has
just given birth to a female child. B is her father's sister who has a
male child. B and her husband already gave A a piglet or a big red mat
(mwa dai simango gin boe sa bwana). This time, B presents meals to A and C.
The father's sister's son of A is D who calls C mabi.




(8) Vugeri (or bugeri) means　“to unfold” ,which is used when one unfolds a
big red mat in order to put the end of it over the head of someone to
give it to his/her father or father's sister. This is a scene of hunhuni
described in the Introduction.
(9) In the above figure, B gives meals to A when A gives birth to a female
child. This meal is called mahalei.
(10) Lalagi (lala = to be afraid) is a kind of kinship term. It is applied by
　　a woman to her sibi, that is, her potential husband.
(11)The male and female categories in North Raga are shown in the following
table. Rev. Tevimule uses different categories such as daulato, tabwalugu
and vavine to indicate the bride while mwalanggelo or atatu to indicate the
bridegroom. In this paper, however, I translate daulato, tabwalugu and
vavine as a girl if these terms refer to the bride. In the same way,
mwalanggelo and atatu used for the bridegroom are translated as a boy.

(12)Lihi means “to purchase”. Lihilihi is a woman's ceremony which seems to
be done before marriage. I will present a detailed description of lihilihi
in “The Story of Raga V”.
(13)Ratahigi is translated as jif in Bislama, which means “chief”in English.
It is not a hereditary chief but a man in the highest grade in the
graded system.
(14)See Figure 4 in Introduction.
(15)This is also woman's ceremony called haroroagamali (haroro = to enter, a =
into, gamali = meeting house). A woman who finished this special
ceremony can enter into a meeting house freely into which women are
generally prohibited to enter. I will describe it in “The Story of Raga
　　V”.
(16)Bolololi is a ceremony concerning men's graded system. Men can enter into
a higher grade by killing pigs and purchasing several emblems in bolololi
ceremony. This will be described in “The Story of Raga VI”.
(17)This is a traditional way of counting. The literal translation of tamana
vi 　ngis gubwan gaiono sa gaivwelu is “his father will take off six or
seven days”.
(18)The meaning of havana is“one's relative”and although it is used for
one's moiety members in some cases, it is usually used for one's cluster
members. Havan tamana is thus usually used for the male members of the
same cluster as one's real father. These persons are also called
tama (father). In this way, havan tamana is translated as the
classificatory father.
(19)In Section 3 of Chapter 9, Rev. Tevimule writes that the the father's
　　sisters of the bridegroom beat his mothers or sisters by snakes while
the fathers of the bride beat her brothers by whips. This is a kind of
bwaraitoa (joking behavior).
(20)Huin tabwalugu mwa ruru mwa dei literally means “ the bones of the girl
tremble and she cries”.
(21)There are four men's grades in North Raga. The first grade is tari, next
moli, third livusi (or udu or nggarai), and the last vira. A man who got to
vira grade is called ratahigi, which is translated here as chief. A man
who is in any grade is given a name containing the name of his grade.
For example, the name of a man in moli is Molmemea, Molture, Molhuhu and
so on while that of a man in vira is Viradoro, Virawahai, Viraala and so on.
(22)In this case, small mats are unfolded on the ground, which are given to
the father's sisters of the boy. However they are not put on the head of
the boy. The small red mat is not given in the form of hunia except that
it is given together with the big red mat. In the same scene of today's
marriage ceremony, the boy's father's sisters are given big red mats,
not small red mats, in hunhuni. See Section �V in Introduction.
(23)When something is given in the ceremony, the receiver makes this action.
Same is the case of hunhuni. A mat-receiver who is the father or the
father's sister of the mat-giver goes around the giver a few times and
touches the edge of the clothe of him/her.
(24)Although I translate vavin togo as a little girl here, vavin togo (vavin=
vavine = woman, togo = to stay) exactly means“a little girl who does not
have an experience of being in love yet”.
(25)As was said in Note 8, the term bugeri (to unfold) is used in the scene
of hunhuni. In hunhuni in the marriage ceremony, it is usual that if the
big red mat is given to the father's sister of the bridegroom, the
bridegroom puts the mat over his head, which is unfolded by his parents,
his mothers or his sisters. So the description of Rev. Tevimule that the
mat is unfolded by the mother of the bride is curious. This description
is also inconsistent with the writing in Section 6 of Chapter 8 that the
parents and the mother's sisters of the bridegroom prepare many big red
mats to give them to the performers of the snake-beating as well as the
whip-beating.
(26)Here Rev. Tevimule writes that the mother of the bridegroom unfolds a
big red mat which is given to the father of the bride. Same curious
situation as in Note 25 appears. Because the mat which is unfolded by
the bridegroom's mother is put on the head of the bridegroom, which
should be given to his father or father's sister, not to the father of
the bride. It is not clear whether the customs described by Rev.
Tevimule here are of old days and are not found today, or his
description is simply mistaken.
(27)Bosa rau is an action that one hits a leaf against his palm by the other
hand in order to make an explosive sound.
(28)The literal translation of ram uv taiva huri livon muan boe is that “they
　　blow trumpet shells for the tusks of the first pig”. There are many
kinds of rhythms and sounds of a trumpet shell according to the status
of pig, that is, the grade of its tusks. In this case, the status of pig
which is fastened to the first post is indicated by the blowing of the
trumpet shell.
(29)Toroi (or doroi) means “to give something to eat in the same way as
mwemwearuvwa which is a giving with expectation of return gift (see
Introduction).” In this case, the brother of the bridegroom who gets
the head of the pig is expected to give back the same thing to this
bridegroom in the future in his own marriage ceremony. Although the
receiver of mwemwearuvwa should be the giver's father or father's
sister, that of toroi is not limited to special relatives.
(30)Since havana(relative) usually means one's cluster member, mwasin havana
(true relative) is used for genealogical relatives or very close kin in
the same cluster.
(31)The mothers of the bride call the bridegroom father(tama), while
the latter calls the former daughter(nitu). These women are the wives
of the fathers of the bride, whom the bridegroom calls bwaliga.